The Great Fear of 1789

00:00:01
Speaker 1: Welcome to Stuff You Missed in History Class, a production of iHeartRadio.

00:00:12
Speaker 2: Hello and welcome to the podcast. I'm Tracy V. Wilson and I'm Holly Frye. One of the papers that I had bookmarked to maybe talk about in our most recent installment of Unearthed was about the Great Fear of seventeen eighty nine, which took place over just a few weeks in the early part of the French Revolution. We have talked about the French Revolution in quite a few episodes, and some of them have focused on other things that also happened in seventeen eighty nine, like the Women's March on Versailles, which took place in October of that year. But I don't think we've ever specifically gotten into this one thing.

00:00:51
Speaker 1: A lot of our.

00:00:51
Speaker 2: French Revolution episodes have also been mostly focused on things that were happening in Paris or in Versailles, and the Great Fear really moved primarily through the countryside and small towns and villages. The specifics of exactly what happened could vary from place to place, but the common thread across all of it was this chaos that developed was rooted in people's belief in a conspiracy theory, So it.

00:01:19
Speaker 1: Can be tempting to sum up the French Revolution as an uprising of the common people, many of whom were struggling against an out of touch, privileged monarchy, and that was, of course, definitely part of it, maybe even the easiest part to visualize and explain, especially if you're focusing on the period of the revolution that took place before the Reign of Terror. But the French Revolution had so many layers, in moving parts and contributing factors. Even if we focused just on that one aspect, which we largely are today, there were a lot of different issues feeding into the struggles of the common people, and a lot of those issues feed into the Great Fear.

00:02:00
Speaker 2: Basically, most people on the poorer end of the economic spectrum in France had been in a precarious position for decades. If everything went well, most people got by, but only barely, and if anything happened to throw things off balance, people quickly went from kind of making ends meat to basically starving. Anything that affected people's livelihoods or the cost of living had the potential to just cause chaos, even if that shift seemed like something minor, or if it wasn't something that was happening anywhere near France.

00:02:33
Speaker 1: One of the go to examples here is the price of bread. Most people did not have a way to bake bread at home, so they purchased it, and for a lot of people, bread was their biggest source of nourishment in a day. Consequently, even a tiny increase in bread prices could lead to food riots. This was interconnected with the price of grain. Efforts to boost grain prices to help the farmers who were growing it also made bread more expensive. So while farmers might theoretically be doing better after they sold their harvest, people who were subsisting on bread wound up doing worse. Yeah, and sometimes those were the same people, and the increased amount of money from the harvest wasn't enough to offset the increased price of bread. A lot of our prior episodes about things like peasant uprisings or famines, including the Great Famine in Ireland, have talked about predatory and exploitive landlords as a major factor, but taken as a whole, the peasant class in France actually owned a significant amount of land in the eighteenth century, maybe as much as a third of the land in the country. But owning land didn't.

00:03:45
Speaker 2: Necessarily put people in a better financial position than being a tenant did. By the late eighteenth century, a lot of families had been dividing up their land among their heirs for generations. As a result that a rich farm plot had become extremely small. It was too small to comfortably live off the proceeds of and in a lot of cases, too small to even just subsist on. Everyone owned land, though, and the percentage of landless people really varied from one part of France to another. So in some places maybe twenty percent of the peasantry was landless, but in others it was sixty percent or more. Unlike in many other parts of Europe, some landlords in France were willing to lease small homesteads to people, and that made it somewhat easier for landless people to find a place to live and land to farm. These tenant farmers had to pay dues to their signeur, who played a similar role.

00:04:42
Speaker 1: To kind of like a feudal lord. Some of the signors were nobles and others were members of the bourgeoisie, and in some areas the church acted as a signeur, so.

00:04:53
Speaker 2: These dues could include both cash and a portion of the crop, and signors also required tenants to do unpaid labor on their own estates, or at least they had the right to make their tenants do that, and owning land did not completely free people from paying dues or dealing with the signior either. People also had to pay things like market dues when selling their crops, and both landless and land owning people in France were expected to pay a tithe to the church. Signiors were also the people who usually owned the machinery like the grain mills and the wine presses, and people had to use that machinery on the senior's terms. Often the ovens that were used to bake the bread for the community were also owned by the seignior as well. Seniors had their own courts that people on their estates were beholden to, and they had a lot of leeway in how those courts were run. So both landless and land owning people were part of this hierarchical system, and both wound up in the same basic struggle of not being able to support themselves on the land that was available to them. A lot of farmers were doing other jobs in addition to farming, like running an inn or a tavern, or selling eggs, or doing paid agricultural labor on a big estate. In addition to the work on their own farm, some towns and villages had become home to other industries that provided additional jobs, some of which could be done from home, like spinning and weaving. Trying to scrape together a living on a farm that was too small for the family while also doing other jobs to make ends meet just sounds difficult, and it was not possible for a significant portion of the population to do that. About a tenth of the population of rural France had no other option but begging, and in some areas that number could go even higher. The vast majority of people who were living off of begging were elderly or disabled, or they were widows who were trying to take care of young children or orphans with no adults to care for them. And then there were landless laborers who could only find work during some parts of the year, like during the harvest. For the rest of the year, they didn't really have anywhere else to go or any other way to earn a living. Because the harvest was the one time that farm workers had some leverage over landowners. There was often labor unrest around the time of harvest, and if the harvest was poor and there wasn't as much of a need for labor, issues with vagrancy skyrocketed. By the mid to late eighteenth century, a situation that was already really precarious had started getting worse. Standards of living had actually increased, and adult mortality had gone down as a result. This seems like a good thing, fewer people dying. That seems good, but that also meant that the population of France had grown significantly, and that had led to more demand for the food and land that had already been in really short supply. The food crisis got worse as many parts of France experienced a series of bad harvests starting around the seventeen sixties. The seventeen eighty three Lockey fissure eruption in Iceland, which we covered on the show in July of twenty twenty four, caused acidic rain in cooling temperatures, and that contributed to bad harvests across much of the northern Hemisphere. In seventeen eighty eight, bad weather, including hailstorms, ruined a lot of that year's crops. Also, in seventeen eighty eight, the Habsburgs went to war against the Ottoman Empire. France was not directly involved in this conflict. There monarch was Bourbon, but some of its allies and its trading partners were Parts of the Mediterranean became unsafe for shipping, Some of the places where France sold its exports essentially closed to trade, and Spain also banned imports of French cloth. So even though France was not one of the active belligerents in this war, this added to the disruption and the economic stresses that the common people were facing. England and France had also signed a trade agreement in seventeen eighty six which was intended to foster competition between English and French industries and encourage French industries to adopt English manufacturing and production methods. What wound up happening was that a lot of French workers in these industries lost their jobs in the face of inexpensive goods being imported from England. The textile industry was particularly hard hit, putting a lot of those people who had been spinning and weaving at home out of work. All of this fed into both the French Revolution and the great fear, which we will talk about after a sponsor break. Before the break, we were focused on the issues that were facing France's peasant class, but of course the nation as a whole was also having some problems. In seventeen eighty seven, France's Controller General of Finances arranged a meeting to try to reform the French economy and manage a severe financial crisis. This meeting was not successful. Among other things, the proposed plan would have involved increasing taxes on the rich, and the rich did not want to do that. So in August of seventeen eighty eight, King Louis the sixteenth announced that he was summoning the Estates General to meet at Versailles and work all this out. The Estates General was made up of representatives from the three estates. Those were the nobility, the clergy, and the commoners, and it had not convened since sixteen fourteen. The king had asked each of the three estates to submit lists of grievances. People all across France were given the opportunity to submit their grievances, and roughly forty thousand kaye de dollons were created before the Assembly convened. The third Estate's grievances had three prevailing themes that France's tax system was unfair, that the signorro system needed to be abolished or reformed, and that the payments they were required to make to the church were burdensome. The three estates did have some points of agreement in their lists of grievances, like obviously the clergy, the nobility, and the commoners. They had different priorities, but there were points of overlap, and that included overall support for creating a French constitution and moving toward a more representative system of government. But when the Estates General finally met on May fifth, seventeen eighty nine, they strongly disagreed on how to vote. There were six hundred Depts representing the commoners, and then three hundred each for the nobility and the clergy. If each estate as a body got one vote, then the nobility and the clergy can team up and outvote the commoners. But if each delegate got a vote, then the commoners had the largest number of votes, they would be more powerful than either of the other two estates. It would be easier to rally some support among the nobility and the clergy than to outvote united fronts that were united against them.

00:12:34
Speaker 1: This led to one of the moments that is sometimes marked as the beginning of the French Revolution. The Assembly was at an impasse over this voting question, and on June seventeenth, the commoners declared themselves to be the National Assembly and said they would be meeting and voting without the other two estates if necessary. They had some support among the clergy, including parish priests. Royal officials locked them out of their meeting room three days later, prompting the National Assembly to meet in the Tennis court and swear an oath that they would continue to meet until a written constitution had been created for France. The king tried and failed to disperse the Assembly, and he ultimately asked the nobility and the clergy, who had not already done so, to join with the National Assembly. Together they formed the National Constituent Assembly. But the king also summoned troops to Paris, and two days after the establishment of the National Constituent Assembly, he dismissed Finance Minister Jacques Nickaire. Some of the economic problems that France was dealing with were ones that had been caused or exacerbated by Nickcair's policies, but he was also perceived as being on the side of the common people. He had, for example, taken steps to try to deal with the food shortages and crop failures that had started really affecting farmers in seventeen eight. His dismissal provoked an uprising that included Parisian commoners storming the Bastille on July fourteenth, seventeen eighty nine, and afterward members of the nobility started fleeing from France. Meanwhile, in the country, people were getting news about this, often delayed by at least a day or two. The idea of a daily newspaper was still a pretty new thing. The first daily newspaper in France was the Jeanald de Barrie, established in seventeen seventy seven. Most rural people did not have access to newspapers, and while literacy rates were increasing, many people spoke local and regional dialects of French that would not be comprehensible to someone speaking Parisian French, or vice versa. In some regions, people spoke other languages entirely, including Breton, Carolin, Bosque, and Alsatian. Among others. So people got the news through letters from Balliage or Baile who wrote to the jurisdictions that they were responsible for, and those letters were then read aloud in the town hall or the public square, in addition to the time that it took for the letter to get to the community. If the bailiff didn't send a letter, or if that letter didn't make it to its recipient, people often just had no other way to get information.

00:15:22
Speaker 2: Yeah, we can also assume that not everyone was at that meeting or at the public square, and so they were hearing things passed through word of mouth from having heard the letter, right, And if one bailiff has a bad day or doesn't have their act together that week, nobody gets any information. Right. So all the issues that we talked about before the break combined with getting somewhat delayed news of what was happening in Paris and Versailles, and rumors started to spread across the countryside that the aristocracy was plotting against the commoners. This was not a completely new idea. The idea of a packed de famine went at least as far back as the early to mid eighteenth century. This was the idea that the monarchy or the nobility, or some other privileged class of people was intentionally keeping food from the commoners for some self serving or nefarious reason. This conspiracy theory had surged during the seventeen seventy five Flower War, which was a series of food riots across much of France that were sparked by increases in bread and grain prices, as well as food shortages. These issues had been caused in part by reforms to French agriculture and trade, including the abolition of guilds and a move to a free trade system for grain. It was easy for people to believe that these changes had been made with the intent of making people suffer, and since the king was responsible for making sure his subjects were fed, it was also easy for people to believe that his failure to do so was deliberate. Almost fifteen years after the Flower War, the paxstafamines still had a ring of truth to a lot of people. People also understood that popular uprisings often ended in violence or some other retribution against the poorest people who had risen up. Before the convening of the Estates General, aristocrats had refused to agree to economic reforms that would have increased their taxes while hopefully making things easier for the poor. The king had tried to disperse the Assembly, and there were still aristocrats who wanted to disband it. Various levels of the French government were also known to let problems lie, or even to make problems worse if they thought the ends justified the means. There was just a lot that would make people think this was true.

00:17:52
Speaker 1: So in the wake of the National Assembly and the Tennis Court oath, and the storming of the Bastille and skyrocketing bread prices, people started to believe that the aristocracy was hoarding all the food as leverage over the commoners, and that they would ruin the harvest to try to starve the third estate into compliance. One of the nobles who had fled from France was the Comte d'Artois, who would much later become King Charles the Tenth of France, and people believed that he was coming back with a foreign army to pacify the commoners.

00:18:25
Speaker 2: This conspiracy theory collided with actual problems that the rural parts of France really were facing, and one of those was large numbers of landless, unemployed people who were roaming around the countryside. This went beyond that roughly ten percent of the rural population who were subsisting through begging. These were mostly farm workers who could not find employment and textile workers who had been put out of work by that trade agreement with England in the late summer of seventeen eighty nine. They were going from farm to farm demanding food and sometimes harassing people if they didn't get any or didn't get enough. Some of them took food from the fields before it was fully ripe, or they took firewood from the forests, or they even robbed people. So rumors also spread that mobs of brigands were marauding all around the countryside. They were stripping the fields completely bare, destroying orchards, ruining farms, and completely clearing the forests of all of their firewood. And people thought that these brigands were being sheltered or enabled by the aristocracy. Communities started sending word to Paris or nearby outposts to ask for help defending themselves against the perceived threat. But because of what was happening in Paris, there just wasn't much help available. When help was dispatched, it could arrive long after it was really needed. For example, Toma Alexandle Dumat, who was the subject of our most recent Saturday classic, arrived in the town of Villere Couterret with his unit on August fifteenth, having been summoned to protect both the chateau and the villagers from a supposed mob of brigands. But by that point the great fear was over and Duma mostly wound up being the pampered guest of his host family. So, with help often coming too late to be of any use or not coming at all, farmers started arming themselves and trying to form their own defense forces to guard their land. Small towns and villages ordered their residents to take up arms and to be prepared to defend themselves or to go to the defense of the Third Estate at the National Constituent Assembly if it was necessary. There was an increasing sense of panic and paranoia in small towns and villages around Paris, and common people started greeting one another and outsiders with the question are you for the Third Estate? On July sixteenth, residents of Lajare stopped a grain and flowershipment that was being prepared for Paris because people were afraid it was going to be used to feed soldiers who they thought were preparing to attack the common people. All of this really came to a head on July nineteenth, which we will get to after a sponsor break. On July nineteenth, seventeen eighty nine, some soldiers from the Visual Garrison in the Franche Comte region of France arrived at Chateau de Quinsy. This was home to Monsieur de Mimee, signor of Quincy, and a particularly hated landlord. These soldiers said that they had been invited and a servant let them in and gave them some drinks, and then at about eleven PM, when they were leaving and were apparently intoxicated, there was an explosion in the basement of the chateau. Men were killed and a lot of other people were injured.

00:22:04
Speaker 1: Today, this is all believed to have been an accident that one of the soldiers or maybe another guest, was either lost in the house or was looking for food or money and got too close to a barrel of gunpowder while carrying a torch or a candle. But a rumor spread that members of the third Estate had been lured into the chateau in order to kill them.

00:22:25
Speaker 2: Monsieur de mi May was not at home at the time. He had been facing hostility from the area's commoners, and he had already fled. He was away, staying with his mother in law over the next day. So on the twentieth, in retaliation for what people believed was an intentional explosion at the Chateau, peasants rose up in Franche Comti, looting and burning many of the properties that he owned.

00:22:52
Speaker 1: While fear and unrest had been increasing in the countryside ahead of this, the uprising after the explosion is marked as the start of the Great Fear, which spread over most of France. The places that were mostly unaffected were almost entirely along the coasts or along the border with what's now Belgium, Luxembourg, and Germany. Some of those areas had just been through some other agrarian uprising in the months before the fear, and there's some speculation that this might have affected how susceptible they were to this misinformation. In most of the rest of rural France, the same basic pattern played out over and over. First, people would notice something that they thought was the aristocracy's army of brigands coming for them. They would sound the tocsin or the alarm belt. They would send runners to their neighbors or to neighboring villages to warn them and to call for help. People would arm themselves with things like pitchforks, halberds, and pikes. If soldiers or armed peasants arrived in response to that call for help, the local people would stake them for attackers and try to fight them off. People on the neighboring farms or neighboring towns or villages would see the smoke or hear the commotion, and that cycle would start again. This played out in tandem with uprisings against the aristocracy, which were interconnected with the Great Fear, but in some ways were also a separate phenomenon. People broke into manor houses to burn the records that were used to determine people's signorial dues, or to reclaim the crops they had used to pay those dues. They attacked the signor's wine presses and grain mills. Whole communities went to their local monasteries demanding their tithes be returned to them, or they just refused to pay their tithes. Nobles and aristocrats were subject to attacks vandalism and public humiliation, or they were driven off their estates. When people saw smoke from these attacks, or large groups of people moving through the countryside to attack back of manner or take back their tithes from a monastery, they would raise the alarm, thinking that they were seeing was that supposed brigand army burning something down or coming to destroy their harvest.

00:25:13
Speaker 2: Not everywhere that was struck by the Great Fear also rose up against the aristocracy, and it does seem like in places that there were these uprisings, people were at least somewhat selective about it. Only three landlords are known to have been killed during the Great Fear. Obviously it is not great that three landlords were killed, but this was not like a widespread massacre of all the landlords. This was also not a situation of like every manner in rural France being torn or burned to the ground. Some of them were burned, but this was not like. It didn't level the aristocratic estates of France across the board. But the atmosphere across the French countryside was so paranoid and suspicious that people raised the alarm over things that were completely innocuous. This included herds of livestock, raising clouds of dust as they were being moved along the road, or making a lot of noise as they were driven through a forest, or smoke from ordinary work like burning off unwanted vegetation or running lime kilns. In Paris, those letters people had written to ask for help were read before the National Constituent Assembly, and word of those letters being read made its way back to the rural communities. This wound up reinforcing the idea that there really were hordes of brigands who were funded and enabled by the aristocrats, and they were coming to attack the farms. While the Great Fear and its interconnected uprisings are often described in terms of the country, there was violence in Paris as well. On July twenty second, Controller General of Finances Joseph Foulon de Due was ruptured by peasants and taken to the Hotel de Ville. Foulon was widely hated and believed to be uncaring and merciless toward the poor. He's rumored to have said that if people had no bread, then they could eat hay, much like Marie Antoinette supposedly having said let them eat cake. This quote is also unsubstantiated, but it does seem to be a rumor that was circulating at the time, and it speaks to how people thought about him. The crowd unsuccessfully tried to hang him, then beheaded him, and they paraded his head around with his mouth stuffed with hay and excrement. There wasn't really any kind of centralized leadership or organizational structure for what the peasants were doing in the country, whether they were trying to defend themselves from a perceived threat or attacking the nearest scenurial manner. There also wasn't a figurehead like Rebecca during the Rebecca Riots or Ned Ludd during the Luddite uprising. Instead, the Great Fear was something that seemed to grow and recur almost spontaneously, kind of organically, largely following the lines of communication and trade all across France. Although troops were deployed to some areas, including Franche Compte where this first started, there was no practical way for authorities to try to put down such a widespread, scattered uprising with force. There were just too many outbreaks of panic, violence and destruction happening in too many places at once, So the National Constituent Assembly and its members had to find some way to restore calm, which they did in part by addressing some of the Third Estate's grievances. On August fourth, seventeen eighty nine, the Assembly issued the first of what would come to be known as the August Decrees, abolishing the feudal system in France. There would ultimately be nineteen decrees, which also ended noble and clerical privilege and abolished the tithe. This fundamentally changed multiple aspects of French society and the French economy, dismantling or changing systems and structures that had been in place since the Middle Ages. By August sixth, two days after the first of the August Decrees, the Great Fear had basically ended, but the communities where it had taken place had also changed. Very broadly speaking, the Great Fear and the conspiracy theory that was connected to it really amped up people's hatred of the rich and of the nobility. It also prompted villages and rural areas to organize themselves and to do that quickly. This new found organization is seen as an influence on the way the French Revolution progressed from this point and on the functioning of the French Republic after the abolition of the monarchy. But it's tricky to pin down the long term influence of the Great Fear in France in really specific terms beyond the immediate events like the August Decrees and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which was created by the National Constituent Assembly and then ratified by the King. The King ratified the Declaration almost exactly a month after the Great Fear was over. So much other stuff happened after that, and a lot of it was truly monumental, including the creation of France's first Constitution in seventeen ninety one, the executions of King Louis the sixteenth and Marie Antoinette in seventeen ninety three, to the Reign of Terror which ended in seventeen ninety four, to the rise of Napoleon Bonaparte, who became First Consul in seventeen ninety nine and of course eventually declared himself Emperor of the French. Yeah, a lot of those core issues that people were dealing with also were still there, Like we have that prior episode about the Women's March on Versailles. That was connected to bread prices and food shortages still an issue after the Great Fear had kind of come to a close, and since the Great Fear largely came to an end without some kind of massive military response across the whole country, for the most part, the common people who were part of it did not face a lot of consequences when it was over. Especially in a lot of the more outlying areas. A lot of people just went back home without ever being charged with anything or facing any kind of trial. But in places where troops had been deployed, people were more likely to face trial, and those who were convicted for their involvement were either executed or they were sentenced to serve as galley slaves. This mainly affected people in places like Alsace, Hanault and franche Comte.

00:31:40
Speaker 1: The paper we mentioned at the top of the show which inspired this episode was about how the Great Fear spread, and it was published in the journal Nature. Researchers used historical records of both the peasant uprisings and the rumors of aristocratic plots. They also incorporated the work of French historian George Lefebre, whose nineteen thirty two La grampel To seventeen eighty nine was the first book length examination of the Great Fear. That book was translated into English in nineteen seventy three, and it is still considered to be a foundational text on the Great Fear. The researchers then used epidemiological models to track the spread of misinformation over the course of the Great Fear. They found that the quote viral misinformation that was driving this really did spread a lot like an actual infectious disease. It had an ar not value of one point five, that's the average number of people that an infected person spreads. The disease to the.

00:32:42
Speaker 2: Great Fear spread almost exponentially until it peaked on July thirtieth, and then it declined before coming to an end on August fourth. Like a contagious illness. The misinformation spread largely along main roads and postal routes. This paper also I identified risk factors for the areas which seem to have the highest risk of transmitting this information. They included having a higher population, which is similar to infectious diseases that need enough hosts to be able to spread effectively, as well as places being more literate and wealthier communities at the highest risk were also ones that had higher concentrations of land ownership and higher wheat prices. The researchers concluded the paper by comparing the Great Fear to the role of rumors in uprisings today or within the last couple of decades, when information can spread almost instantaneously over social media, rather than having to travel along trade and mail routes by people who were carrying physical copies of letters or other media. But there's other research showing that even today, when we do have access to almost instant information, these kind of rumors can still spread along very similar patterns to the way contagious diseases.

00:34:05
Speaker 1: Do tum Yeah. Uh, do you have listener mail that hopefully involves no contagious diseases or horrible uprisings. I do have listener mail. I don't think it involves any of those things, but it's been fully two hours since I reread it, so I could be forgetting something.

00:34:27
Speaker 2: This email is from Mad's, Mads wrote after our episode on Anna Maria von Sherman, and the email touches on other episodes as well. Mads wrote, Hi, Tracy high Holly, longtime listener and not first time writer, though It's been a while since I've last written in. I've been listening to your podcast for about a decade now, and you've accompanied me through so many hours of commuting, doing chores and taking walks, but also calms my nerves during one of my most dreaded and anxiety inducing modes of travel aka flying on a plan and recovering from surgery. I was just listening to your episode on Anna Marie von Sherman when you mentioned two places I have connections to, the first of all, Cologne or I'm not going to try to say this in German because I feel like I will now I'll not do a good job. But it's spelled differently from Cologne how we say it in English, which is very close to my hometown of Bonn and a city that is near and dear to my heart. Because of that, this alone would not have gotten me so excited that I would write in about the episode. No, it was the mention of eastern Westphalian town Herford that got me. I've spent a lot of time there since my ex girlfriend was from that area, and I still have two very dear friends who live in the vicinity of it. However, Herford is not really a well known place unless you are from around there, and the small town in which my ex girlfriend lived is basically a complete unknown, which meant that I would have had pretty much the exact same conversation every time I went to visit her and got asked where she lives and from there. It's sort of an explanation of increasingly small towns that are close to Herford. In Germany, there is a very popular joke slash meme slash conspiracy theory that this city simply doesn't exist and it's just a hoax made by the government or whoever to fool people. I believe that joke originated at some student party after a lot of drinks. I'm skipping ahead just a touch. The mention of Herford did remind me, though, of another episode I had meant to write in about, and that's the episode about Joan Arson, the last Catholic Bishop of Iceland.

00:36:40
Speaker 1: What does he have to do with Herford?

00:36:42
Speaker 2: Well, the fact that the first Catholic Bishop of Iceland was in fact sent to Herford to study and spent some years of his life there before being appointed Bishop of Iceland. I actually wanted to say even more, but it's late and I should really go to sleep, so I'll probably send you my other thoughts next time I get a random connection to some thing slash place I know, well, I will pause the email for just a second. I don't remember if we mentioned in that episode about jan Arison, but sending Catholic clergy members or people who thought they might join the clergy in Iceland, sending them to Germany to study was like sort of the thing to do at the time. A lot of the Catholic clergy, Yeah, went to Germany to study during that era. Returning to the reason that I just really wanted to read this email in particular today, attached you will find pictures of my two kiddies, Peter and Ferby as pet tax when I adopted both of them from the shelter. They're both pretty anxious and weary and skittish, especially Ferby. I was in fact warned by the shelter he might never be really comfortable with being touched and that he might never really warm up to the company of humans. Well, it took him about three weeks to turn into a super sweet cuddle bug in total Mama's boy. He's a silly goose who manages to pretty much appear hair ties out of the air no matter how I hide them, playing with strings and laying in the most silly positions. Also, he has big round eyes and he looks at you with an expression I can only describe as and then it's the big round eye emoji. Peter is my wonderful void creature. He does look like someone who tried to draw a cat who has never seen a cat before. He has a shape. I adore him. There's some more details about these cats. It is very sweet, but I feel like we are gonna run short on time, so I want to describe these pictures. We have a kind of tabby cat. I'm looking directly at yawning mouth and toebeans. It is incredibly cute, black void kitty, incredibly cute. Also, the thing that made me go I love this picture so much and I want to read this email today is there is a picture of the black cat. The black cat was the one who was named Peter. Peter is standing on the open door of the dishwasher and the top rack of the dishwasher is pulled out as though it is being either loaded or unloaded. This dishwasher looks really clean, so I think maybe we are about to unload it, but Peter is standing there on the open dishwasher door. And it makes me laugh because one of my cats is really fixated on when I put the detergent pod into the dishwasher. If she hears me open the dishwasher door and then open the cabinet door where we keep those things, she will run into the kitchen and try to like put her paw on the dishwasher pod. I don't know why she wants to do this. She has never tried to bite it or sniff it, or eat it or anything like that. This is some cat ritual all of her own, involving the pod and so having another black cat standing on the open dishwasher door, I was extremely tickled by. So thank you Mads for sending this email. I really enjoyed the email, even though I abridged bits of it. This is also an email from August, so I'm sorry it took me a while to read it. If you would like to send us a note about this or any other podcast, where at History podcast at iHeartRadio dot com, and you can also subscribe to our show on the iHeartRadio app or anywhere else you like to get your podcasts. Stuff you missed in History Class is a production of iHeartRadio. For more podcasts from iHeartRadio, visit the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to your favorite shows.