Better Lawyers, Worse Economics: Inside Trump's Latest Tariff Strategy | Diving In
Trump's trade war just won't die. After the Supreme Court struck down his "Liberation Day" tariffs and courts blocked his emergency global surcharge, the White House is back with a third attempt — this time wrapped in language forced labor, unfair trade practices, and a legal paper trail designed to survive court challenges. It's a new legal strategy, but the same chaotic trade war that's been whipsawing businesses, allies, and consumers for months.
The problem isn't just legal — it's economic. These tariffs are too unstable to drive real investment, too broad to give America any real leverage, and too tied to presidential whims to ever deliver on promises of re-industrialization and job creation. What they do deliver is higher prices for consumers, uncertainty for businesses, and new opportunities for political favoritism. Same trade war, better lawyers, even worse economics.
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Trade policy has turned into one of those horror movie zombies. You think it's dead, it sits up, but comes back uglier. You kill it again, and it keeps on coming back. So let me help you make sense of what's happened, where we are, and where we might be going. First, I want to take a look at the legal battle so far, to say the least, it's been chaotic. Next, I'll explain what the different types of tariffs are that the President keeps fiddling with, and how different types of tariffs shape the economy in different ways. Then we're going to dive into the latest chapter of this zombie thriller, the administration's latest tariff plan. It hasn't gotten much play in the press, but it's still one of the year's most important economic stories and it's quite odd. Finally, we'll analyze what this plan is the President I think he's finally figured out a way to implement tariffs that's legal, but the cost is this is his dumbest plan yet. Let's start with the chaotic legal battle and the constitutional point. The constitution it gives the tariff power to Congress. See tariff's are taxes and under Americas founding rules taxes are supposed to come from the branch that makes the laws, Congress. Now, in the past, Congress has handed the presidency some narrow tariff powers for specific situations. And that makes sense. If there's a sudden national security problem or an emergency or some unfair trade issue that quickly arises, you want the White House to be able to respond quickly. But what Congress did is it gave the White House limited power and limited tools for very specific circumstances. Trump didn't quite listen to that part, and he decided those powers were broad enough that they gave him permission to launch a global trade war entirely on his own, without even talking to Congress. Now, the courts so far have said not so fast. But we're now in the third round of this fight, and that might be about to change. So let's start with round one, which was the broad emergency style tariff powers. That's the power that underwrote that the tariffs that the President announced with an enormous fanfare on so called Liberation Day. He had different rates for different countries on big poster board, using bizarre calculations based on their trade balance with the United States. He had a specific rate for the penguins. He announced that and ten months later, a mere ten months later, the Supreme Court had a look and decided that all of it was illegal. From the very start. The president was relying on the Emergency Powers Act. Now, those tariffs, they were illegal from the start. The government now is in the process of having to refund almost all of the money that it collected this way, all that uncertainty, and we've got nothing to show for it. On to round two. After losing that case, the very next day, the President quickly replaced those tariffs with a temporary worldwide tariff of ten percent. In fact, the next day he announced fifteen percent, and then everyone just ignored him. That ten percent temporary tariff came under a different law. It was a law meant for a pretty narrow international payments problem. It was meant to address the sort of balance of payments crisis that could occur only if the United States had a fixed exchange rate, which we don't, so the law doesn't actually apply. So again, the courts ruled those tariffs illegal so far, just lower courts. Now there's still a lot of litigation sloshing about trying to figure out exactly how much money the government's going to have to refund, and for now the decision only applies to the firms that actually sued. There's going to be a lot of lawyers fully employed here. But either way, that law was only ever meant to be temporary from the start, so it was only allowed to last for one hundred and fifty days, and that time limit runs out any day now, certainly before the major cases are going to be appealed. A good job justice system. Now we're under round three. The White House once again is trying to implement tariffs. It's searched for illegal rationale and this time it's using a more formal trade investigation process wrapped in the language of forced labor. I'm going to have to explain that, but before that, I want to explain what the different kinds of tariffs are in this story. The first is we have industry specific tariffs. These are tariffs saying that a specific sector like steel or aluminium Americans call that aluminum, copper, pharmaceuticals, and so they only apply apply to a specific industry, but they often apply no matter which country the goods come from. These were a really big deal and the first Trump administration, and they're still around, and a lot of them still matter, but they're not today's main story. Second, there's national or country specific tariffs. These hit basically everything that comes from a specific country. So this is what the big Liberation Day strategy was all about. Country specific tariffs were placed at different rates on different countries. Third, once those got struck down, the White House tried using worldwide tariffs. That's the ten percent global surcharge they've been charging but was just ruled illegal and is set to expires. And fourth, there's what the administration is trying to do next. Technically, these are national tariffs, but they're effectively worldwide ish and what makes them different from before is that now they're investigation based. Let me explain. This means that the administration is going to try to justify them by saying another country's policies amount to unfair trade practices. And that matters because many years ago, Congress delegated to the White House the ability to respond or to retaliate in response to unfair trade. And this is where the forced labor theory comes in. So, first of all, what do I mean by forced labor? Look, that's just goods that are made with slave labor or prison labor, or prison work under compulsion, or debt bondage, or you know all sorts of terrible, terrible things. Now here's the thing. The United States already blocks all imports made using forced labor, so these tariffs won't affect the extent to which Americans support the use of forced labor. Instead, the administration's new theory goes like this. It says, if another country, say Australia, doesn't do enough to try to stop those goods entering Australia, then that means producers in that country get a leg up and they get unfair competition for American workers. So you might say, why does the White House love this legal rationale? And I've got to tell you, I really don't think it's because the President has suddenly developed big feelings about the exploitation of the world's downtrodden. That's just my hunch, though. I think what it likes here is this is a legal route that comes wrapped in a formal trade investigation process. There's findings and comments and hearings and a big fat legal paper trail, and the courts usually give the executive branch a lot of grace in that sort of circumstances a lot more than when the President just waves his hands and says there's a giant emergency, I need tariffs. So what do we have today? Then we've got the same trade war, the same players, probably better lawyers, but I think ultimately worse economics. This latest plan, it's probably the oddest. It comes from this forced labor theory, and it's led the administration to propose tariff's on sixty economies. Now, if you're at all like me, you thinking why sixty of them? And it's not because the administration thinks the other one hundred and thirty six countries in the world are all good blokes. Instead, it's because he thinks it doesn't need to know the name of those other one hundred and thirty six countries because the sixty it's imposing tariffs on they're not the worst offenders. There are biggest trading partners and collectively they cover ninety nine point four percent of US imports, So we're not targeting bad actors. Essentially, we're keeping the list short so that we don't act scidentally start tariffing penguins or other countries that may not exist or the President hasn't actually heard of. So what are the rates that we're going to charge. It's going to be Americans are going to pay have to pay a ten percent tax on imports from some countries in twelve and a half percent tax for imports from others, and whatch of those two rates you're going to end up paying. This is where the whole thing gets sort of silly. The ten percent rate is for the folks who the administration regards as the good guys, the folks that are working hard to reduce forced labor, and it's charging the twelve and a half percent for imports from countries that it reckons are the bad guys, the guys who aren't trying hard enough. So I just want you to notice here everyone pays at least ten percent, and the reward for better behavior is that Americans get a two point five percent edge point lower it's ax rate they pay on inputs from your country. That's not the plimacy, that's a rounding error. And as you think through the logic of this tariff regime, realize that if you were actually serious about building an international coalition and against forced labor, you wouldn't do it this way. You wouldn't set a really high tariff for everyone in a tiny discount for those who were meeting your objectives. What's going on? He is so transparently bad faith. It might pass muster with the courts, but it won't with our trading partners. And that means no one's going to come to the White House and offer tighter rules about forced labor or better enforcement. They're going to see, correctly, in my view, that that whole set of issues is entirely beside the point. You can see this another way by looking at the timing of it all. The White House has moved this process quickly, and it wants to get these new tariffs in place by probably mid July. And guess what that lines up almost exactly with when the old temporary worldwide tariff runs out. Funny coincidence, that isn't it. Now, It's not just that the White House now gets legal tariffs. It actually is going to get worse tariffs. So let's talk about the economics of all of this. I think this is actually going to be the worst version of the trade war for a few reasons. First is worldwide tariffs, and remember these are effectively worldwide tariffs. They give you less leverage. Not more normally, what you do, as you say to one country, if you don't do X, will raise tariffs on you. And that works because the threat's specific. But if our retaliation involves raising tariffs not just on you but also on all your competitors, then all of a sudden, you're no longer at much of a competitive disadvantage. The American stick here is not much of a stick. There's not much incentive. Second, the chaotic nature of the Trump tariffs, they provide very little incentive for anyone to want to cooperate with the United States in particular, even as they provide strong incentives for other countries to form deals between each other. Think about it. The US right now, it has formal trade deals and informal deals with many many countries, including Australia and Korea, and Canada and Mexico. But the President still wakes up every now and then and just imposes a whole bunch of new tariffs just because he feels like it on the flimsiest of ours, the tariff's Canada because of fentanyl, Argentina because of how they administer elections, the whole world because of a made up balance of payments crisis sixty countries because he suddenly woke up with a newfound concern about forced labor. Look, he keeps changing his mind, which means that we are not delivering on our end of the deal. And if we don't put any teeth into delivering concessions to our training partners, they're not going to put any teeth into delivering concessions to us. Third, these tariffs, they're just too unstable to drive any form of serious investment. Look, if we want tariffs to reshape the economy, then the only way that works is firms have to believe that they're going to last long enough to affect their bottom line. But no tariff that Trump ever passes, ever lasts more than a few weeks. And executive's never going to build a factory because of this week's tariff headline. They aren't going to build it based on a tariff that's going to be gone before the cement has drive. Look, I think it's a good point because even if you believe that tariffs can be useful, if you believe even the idea of a smart tariff, I'm not sure I do. But even if you do, these are not it. These tariffs are chaotic, they're unclear, they're always changing, they're transitory to be directed. These are dumb tariffs. They're dumb because we're going to get all the costs. We're going to pay the higher prices. Our place in the world is going to be diminished, but we're going to get very few of the benefits because no one believes that they can trust them. If you want to create tariffs that stimulate investment, they need to be durable, and the way you do that is by passing them through Congress. And that raises the fourth problem here, which is the presidential tariffs. They give rise to a really awful form of crony capitalism. You can call a corruption if you want. You see, Trump could work with Congress to pass tariffs, but he won't because when the White House imposes tariffs, then it's the President, not Congress, who gets to grant carveouts, or hand out exemptions, or push companies around, or dole out favors to his mates. So tariffs by presidential proclamation, they're worse for the economy, but they're better for the president and for his mates. So where are we. Here's the lesson. The courts did not end Trump's trade war. They blocked one version of it, then they blocked the replacement version of it, and now we're on to version three. Some clever White House lawyers may have found a way to give their boss his tariffs. It looks like this third attempt will survive. But it will survive not because it's smarter or more principled, but because it becomes wrapped in a legal process that courts are more likely to tolerate. But along the way, the White House has just lost sight of the broader objectives. Yes, this set of tariffs is going to give the Boss the tool he is long wanted to wave around. He got his tariffs, He got what he wanted. But these tariff powers aren't going to deliver for the American people. No deals, no on shoring, not much revenue, no leverage, no reindustrialization, no jobs, a trade deficit that hasn't budged and won't budge. And in return, we get more opportunities for corruption, greater uncertainty, allies who don't trust us, in a weaker place in global affairs. And along the way, you and I we're going to end up paying higher prices too.